Listening to the news this week I have become abit frustrated at hearing about the response to recent flooding whether it be in Belfast or the North West or wherever.
On this issue passing the buck has become a fine art! Rivers Agency, Road Service, PSNI, Water Service, NIEA, SIB, DRD.......(and whoever else). The situation is an embarassment.
There should be one Agency dealing with flooding with a budget drawn from all the present agencies who allegedly deal with the issue. Flooding is not a new thing here so in the immortal words of Monty Python 'GET ON WITH IT!!'
I look forward (but wont be holding my breath)to the day when politicians responsible for the ineffectual workings of their agencies are held to account at the polls.
Friday, 6 November 2009
Friday, 23 October 2009
He came, He spoke and He failed
Many people including several hundred protestors objected to Nick Griffin and the BNP having a place on BBC Question Time last night.
There is an old saying which was proven wrong last night - no publicity is bad publicity.
Griffin couldnt even decide what his party was for, couldnt answer a straight question and if you were to give him the benefit of the doubt was a person who hadnt said anything in months. I know photoshop and editing are great but he was denying things he had said that were filmed.
I was a bit concerned about him being on Question Time but now I am glad he was.
Griffin has no knowledge of history, politics, society and how he ever got a law degree is beyond me.
It was a good night - shining a light on these people shows that they are just another bunch of ignorant thugs - but then what does that make the people who vote for them and what does it mean for other political parties when people are prepared to vote BNP. That is something worth worrying about.
There is an old saying which was proven wrong last night - no publicity is bad publicity.
Griffin couldnt even decide what his party was for, couldnt answer a straight question and if you were to give him the benefit of the doubt was a person who hadnt said anything in months. I know photoshop and editing are great but he was denying things he had said that were filmed.
I was a bit concerned about him being on Question Time but now I am glad he was.
Griffin has no knowledge of history, politics, society and how he ever got a law degree is beyond me.
It was a good night - shining a light on these people shows that they are just another bunch of ignorant thugs - but then what does that make the people who vote for them and what does it mean for other political parties when people are prepared to vote BNP. That is something worth worrying about.
Tuesday, 20 October 2009
Joining the Dots with our Economic Diaspora
"I believe strongly that, you know, we have an opportunity every time there is a challenge. And being smart and creative, flexible, agile, in today's economic conditions is an absolute necessity."
These were the words of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at a meeting in Belfast last week with business leaders.
It has never been more important for our economy to be smart,creative, flexible and agile. We are facing an economic situation that sees 53,800 people be without jobs in Northern Ireland. Despite the great news from the New York Stock Exchange a lot more innovative paths to investment will have to be sought before we will be out of the woods.
In response to this The President's Club in Belfast, an organisation dedicated to developing and enhancing crossborder and cross Atlantic business relationships has organised an event that will start us on a path to engage with our economic diaspora.
The event which takes place tomorrow morning is part of the 'Silicon Valley comes to Ireland' Initiative organised by the Irish Technology Leadership Group. The discussions will be chaired by economist and journalist John Simpson and will be addressed by Dr. Graham Gudgin one of the authors of the Independent Review of the Economy (IREP - www.irep.org.uk)as well as representatives from InvestNI, Enterprise Ireland and a host of business people from across the island and the USA.
I hope to twitter and at some stages blog on the event. If you have any questions please send them to me and I will do my best to raise them.
Please send your questions to terry@chambrepa.com
or to my facebook or this blog.
The event runs from 8am - 11.45am althought there are a range of other ITLG events happening in Belfast.
www.itlg.org
These were the words of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at a meeting in Belfast last week with business leaders.
It has never been more important for our economy to be smart,creative, flexible and agile. We are facing an economic situation that sees 53,800 people be without jobs in Northern Ireland. Despite the great news from the New York Stock Exchange a lot more innovative paths to investment will have to be sought before we will be out of the woods.
In response to this The President's Club in Belfast, an organisation dedicated to developing and enhancing crossborder and cross Atlantic business relationships has organised an event that will start us on a path to engage with our economic diaspora.
The event which takes place tomorrow morning is part of the 'Silicon Valley comes to Ireland' Initiative organised by the Irish Technology Leadership Group. The discussions will be chaired by economist and journalist John Simpson and will be addressed by Dr. Graham Gudgin one of the authors of the Independent Review of the Economy (IREP - www.irep.org.uk)as well as representatives from InvestNI, Enterprise Ireland and a host of business people from across the island and the USA.
I hope to twitter and at some stages blog on the event. If you have any questions please send them to me and I will do my best to raise them.
Please send your questions to terry@chambrepa.com
or to my facebook or this blog.
The event runs from 8am - 11.45am althought there are a range of other ITLG events happening in Belfast.
www.itlg.org
Mark Durkan on Policing - in Swansea
“We need to seal the deal on the devolution of justice now. The Assembly should be the better for having a full share of powers under the devolved brief.
“The anger of the DUP/SF gerrymandering of the justice ministry deepens, as does the need for devolution. We need the legal powers to protect the vulnerable and better laws and ways to address the youth at risk and young people involved in crime.
“North-South is going slow and staying slow and a vital democratic part of the Good Friday Agreement is punching far below its weight.
“At the time of recession when money is tight, when we share a small part of this island, North-South should be going higher, wider and deeper. This is not happening on the DUP/SF watch and it doesn’t add up on any level.
“The First Minister and Deputy First Minister should publish the budget offer from the Prime Minister for the devolution of justice, whether the figures add up or if they are cobbled together.
“Behind the Gordon Brown offer, there’s a real temptation for the DUP that it will find ways to resist. The temptation will be to move it at a higher price for the devolution of justice. This may see damage to Patten, erosion of the Parades Commission and further challenges to the values of the Good Friday Agreement.
“The British government must hold secure to any of this.”
“The anger of the DUP/SF gerrymandering of the justice ministry deepens, as does the need for devolution. We need the legal powers to protect the vulnerable and better laws and ways to address the youth at risk and young people involved in crime.
“North-South is going slow and staying slow and a vital democratic part of the Good Friday Agreement is punching far below its weight.
“At the time of recession when money is tight, when we share a small part of this island, North-South should be going higher, wider and deeper. This is not happening on the DUP/SF watch and it doesn’t add up on any level.
“The First Minister and Deputy First Minister should publish the budget offer from the Prime Minister for the devolution of justice, whether the figures add up or if they are cobbled together.
“Behind the Gordon Brown offer, there’s a real temptation for the DUP that it will find ways to resist. The temptation will be to move it at a higher price for the devolution of justice. This may see damage to Patten, erosion of the Parades Commission and further challenges to the values of the Good Friday Agreement.
“The British government must hold secure to any of this.”
Irish Reunification speech - Gerry Adams Swansea
October 20, 2009
Remarks by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP MLA to the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly in Swansea today:
I want to begin by thanking the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly for the invitation to speak here today.
Over the years this Assembly, through its committees and plenary meetings, has created a context in which parliamentarians from Ireland and Britain are able to come together and discuss issues of mutual importance.
This Assembly especially allows TDs and MLAs, from the two elected bodies on the island of Ireland, to come together to discuss all-Ireland co-operation and related subjects.
While this institution, through the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body, predates the Good Friday Agreement, there can be no doubt that the focus of much of your work is rooted in that Agreement and the political institutions that emerged from it.
This is very important.
The Good Friday Agreement is a unique document.
It was born out of centuries of British involvement in Irish affairs. This resulted in conflict, communal division and sectarianism, the partition of the island of Ireland, the partition of Ulster, and the creation of a unionist dominated state in the north eastern part of our country.
Partition was not just a line on the map; it was the construction of a system of political apartheid which relied on discrimination and denied democracy and justice.
Resolving the many complexities resulting from this was never going to be easy.
The Good Friday Agreement and the St. Andrews Agreement put in place mechanisms and arrangements which seek to do that.
These include political matters, institutional arrangements, human rights, equality, policing, justice, language and culture issues.
As well as the crucial issue of constitutional matters.
And it does all of this in an all-Ireland context.
These Agreements are also significant instruments of change; real change in real ways in peoples daily lives.
For this reason elements of political unionism opposed to this new dispensation seek to minimise, to dilute and to delay its potential or to oppose it entirely.
So, the Good Friday Agreement and the St. Andrews Agreement continue to face huge challenges, not least in the failure of the British government to fulfil its obligations, for example, on Irish language rights.
But for the purpose of today’s remarks let me focus on the issue that has dominated politics from before partition – the constitutional issue! That is the relationship between Ireland and Britain.
The Good Friday Agreement clearly sets out the political realities.
It recognises that it is for the people of the island of Ireland to determine our own future – to exercise our self-determination.
In the event that a majority of people in the north prefer a sovereign United Ireland then the British government will legislate for it.
The agreement also sets out the mechanism by which this will happen – by means of a ‘border poll’.
So, there you have it.
The people living on the island of Ireland can determine our own future, and–when a majority in the north and a majority in the south opt for Irish re-unification, the constitutional process to bring that about will kick in.
The Good Friday Agreement therefore provides for a constitutional route to Irish unity.
That is a significant achievement.
Sinn Féin seeks to build on this by:
Working in partnership with others of like mind in Ireland to build political support for Irish reunification.
There is a particular responsibility for all parties in the Oireachtas and particularly for the government in Dublin to actively work for reunification.
We have to persuade unionists – or at least a section of unionism – that such a development makes political, social and economic sense – that it serves their self-interest.
There is already a growing awareness of the importance to our future prosperity and growth, of the all-Ireland economy and of all-Ireland connections in health, education, energy, the environment and much more.
These are commonsense arrangements which must be built upon.
Sinn Féin is also currently engaged with unionists and especially with disadvantaged unionist working class areas, to a greater extent than ever before.
We need to address the genuine fears and concerns of unionists in a meaningful way.
We need to look at what they mean by their sense of Britishness and be willing to explore and to be open to new concepts.
We need to look at ways in which the unionist people can find their place in a new Ireland.
In other words it needs to be their United Ireland.
So, there are many issues for republicans and unionists to talk about. However it is worth noting that within the current British system, unionists are fewer than 2 per cent of the population; they cannot hope to have any significant say in the direction of their own affairs.
As 20 per cent of a new Ireland, unionists will be able to assert their full rights and entitlements and exercise real political power and influence.
So, Sinn Féin’s vision of a new Ireland is of a shared Ireland, an integrated Ireland, an Ireland in which unionists have equal ownership; an Ireland in which there will be respect for cultural diversity, and a place in which there is political, social, economic and cultural equality.
There is no desire on the part of Irish republicans to conquer or humiliate unionists.
There can be no place for revenge in the thinking or vocabulary of Irish Republicanism.
Nationalists and republicans want our rights, but we do not seek to deny the rights of anybody else. The real distinction that we have always drawn is between justice and privilege. Justice for all and privilege for none.
This means, for example, that Orange marches will have their place, in a new Ireland albeit on the basis of respect and cooperation.
But the Irish question, as it has been described over the years by some, is not simply one for the Irish.
There is not only a democratic requirement on the part of the peoples of Britain to adopt a positive stance on how the Irish question should be finally settled, there is a moral imperative.
It is one thing saying that unionists should not be frogmarched into a united Ireland; it is another to adopt the position of silence in the face of whether or not a united Ireland should come into being, in whatever negotiated form that will entail.
The peoples of Britain have a duty to themselves, to unionists in particular, to the Irish in general, and even to the world, to stand up and speak their opinion on the issue of the reunification of Ireland.
I believe that the economic and political dynamics in Ireland today make Irish reunification a realistic and realisable goal in a reasonable period of time.
I invite the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly to join in this historic endeavour.
We have to persuade the British government to change its policy from one of upholding the union to one of becoming a persuader for Irish unity.
This also involves persuading the other political representatives of the peoples of these islands – whether in Scotland or Wales or the North of England or London or the Isle of Man or Guernsey, that their interests are also served by helping the people of Ireland achieve reunification.
There are also common sense economic and social and environmental and health and many other reasons why Irish reunification makes sense over partition.
In reality the border is more than just an inconvenience.
It is an obstacle to progress and while its adverse affects are most clearly felt in the communities that straddle the border, it also impacts negatively throughout the island.
The reality is that the economy of the North is too small to exist in isolation.
The economies of both parts of the island are interlinked and interdependent.
The delivery of public services is restricted and inefficient.
There are two competing industrial development bodies seeking inward investment, with no coordination in supporting local industries.
We have two arts councils and two sports councils and three tourists’ bodies.
This is not efficient.
There are some who suggest that because we live in a period of severe economic difficulty that Irish reunification should be put off for the foreseeable future.
In fact the opposite is the case.
There is now a need, more than ever, for the island economy to be brought into being in the fullest sense, and for the political and administrative structures to be instituted with that in mind.
Many in the business community, north and south, already recognise this fact.
And all the indications are that the European Union also understands how the needs of Ireland can best be met by treating it as an island rather than as two entities on an island.
Geography does not necessarily determine politics, but neither can it be ignored in assessing what is the most effective approach to meeting the challenges of economic development and satisfying the needs of communities.
The Good Friday agreement is an opportunity to develop understanding and to advocate rationally, the benefits of Irish reunification.
The institutional elements of the Good Friday Agreement and of St. Andrews are therefore important mechanisms to be built upon.
The Good Friday Agreement also proposed the establishment of an All-Ireland Civic Forum and an All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum.
An All-Ireland Civic Forum could offer a very important input for citizens throughout the island to discuss problems of a common nature.
It could also enable a greater level of mutual understanding to develop.
As for an All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum, the important work of this body provides ample evidence of the benefits that would derive from the establishment of such a body.
So, my friends if I was to reduce all of these remarks to one sentence it would be to repeat what I have said earlier; there is a democratic requirement and moral imperative on the part of the peoples of Britain to adopt a positive stance on how the Irish question should be finally settled.
This means initiating and supporting measures to bring about the reunification of the people of Ireland." ENDS
Remarks by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP MLA to the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly in Swansea today:
I want to begin by thanking the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly for the invitation to speak here today.
Over the years this Assembly, through its committees and plenary meetings, has created a context in which parliamentarians from Ireland and Britain are able to come together and discuss issues of mutual importance.
This Assembly especially allows TDs and MLAs, from the two elected bodies on the island of Ireland, to come together to discuss all-Ireland co-operation and related subjects.
While this institution, through the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body, predates the Good Friday Agreement, there can be no doubt that the focus of much of your work is rooted in that Agreement and the political institutions that emerged from it.
This is very important.
The Good Friday Agreement is a unique document.
It was born out of centuries of British involvement in Irish affairs. This resulted in conflict, communal division and sectarianism, the partition of the island of Ireland, the partition of Ulster, and the creation of a unionist dominated state in the north eastern part of our country.
Partition was not just a line on the map; it was the construction of a system of political apartheid which relied on discrimination and denied democracy and justice.
Resolving the many complexities resulting from this was never going to be easy.
The Good Friday Agreement and the St. Andrews Agreement put in place mechanisms and arrangements which seek to do that.
These include political matters, institutional arrangements, human rights, equality, policing, justice, language and culture issues.
As well as the crucial issue of constitutional matters.
And it does all of this in an all-Ireland context.
These Agreements are also significant instruments of change; real change in real ways in peoples daily lives.
For this reason elements of political unionism opposed to this new dispensation seek to minimise, to dilute and to delay its potential or to oppose it entirely.
So, the Good Friday Agreement and the St. Andrews Agreement continue to face huge challenges, not least in the failure of the British government to fulfil its obligations, for example, on Irish language rights.
But for the purpose of today’s remarks let me focus on the issue that has dominated politics from before partition – the constitutional issue! That is the relationship between Ireland and Britain.
The Good Friday Agreement clearly sets out the political realities.
It recognises that it is for the people of the island of Ireland to determine our own future – to exercise our self-determination.
In the event that a majority of people in the north prefer a sovereign United Ireland then the British government will legislate for it.
The agreement also sets out the mechanism by which this will happen – by means of a ‘border poll’.
So, there you have it.
The people living on the island of Ireland can determine our own future, and–when a majority in the north and a majority in the south opt for Irish re-unification, the constitutional process to bring that about will kick in.
The Good Friday Agreement therefore provides for a constitutional route to Irish unity.
That is a significant achievement.
Sinn Féin seeks to build on this by:
Working in partnership with others of like mind in Ireland to build political support for Irish reunification.
There is a particular responsibility for all parties in the Oireachtas and particularly for the government in Dublin to actively work for reunification.
We have to persuade unionists – or at least a section of unionism – that such a development makes political, social and economic sense – that it serves their self-interest.
There is already a growing awareness of the importance to our future prosperity and growth, of the all-Ireland economy and of all-Ireland connections in health, education, energy, the environment and much more.
These are commonsense arrangements which must be built upon.
Sinn Féin is also currently engaged with unionists and especially with disadvantaged unionist working class areas, to a greater extent than ever before.
We need to address the genuine fears and concerns of unionists in a meaningful way.
We need to look at what they mean by their sense of Britishness and be willing to explore and to be open to new concepts.
We need to look at ways in which the unionist people can find their place in a new Ireland.
In other words it needs to be their United Ireland.
So, there are many issues for republicans and unionists to talk about. However it is worth noting that within the current British system, unionists are fewer than 2 per cent of the population; they cannot hope to have any significant say in the direction of their own affairs.
As 20 per cent of a new Ireland, unionists will be able to assert their full rights and entitlements and exercise real political power and influence.
So, Sinn Féin’s vision of a new Ireland is of a shared Ireland, an integrated Ireland, an Ireland in which unionists have equal ownership; an Ireland in which there will be respect for cultural diversity, and a place in which there is political, social, economic and cultural equality.
There is no desire on the part of Irish republicans to conquer or humiliate unionists.
There can be no place for revenge in the thinking or vocabulary of Irish Republicanism.
Nationalists and republicans want our rights, but we do not seek to deny the rights of anybody else. The real distinction that we have always drawn is between justice and privilege. Justice for all and privilege for none.
This means, for example, that Orange marches will have their place, in a new Ireland albeit on the basis of respect and cooperation.
But the Irish question, as it has been described over the years by some, is not simply one for the Irish.
There is not only a democratic requirement on the part of the peoples of Britain to adopt a positive stance on how the Irish question should be finally settled, there is a moral imperative.
It is one thing saying that unionists should not be frogmarched into a united Ireland; it is another to adopt the position of silence in the face of whether or not a united Ireland should come into being, in whatever negotiated form that will entail.
The peoples of Britain have a duty to themselves, to unionists in particular, to the Irish in general, and even to the world, to stand up and speak their opinion on the issue of the reunification of Ireland.
I believe that the economic and political dynamics in Ireland today make Irish reunification a realistic and realisable goal in a reasonable period of time.
I invite the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly to join in this historic endeavour.
We have to persuade the British government to change its policy from one of upholding the union to one of becoming a persuader for Irish unity.
This also involves persuading the other political representatives of the peoples of these islands – whether in Scotland or Wales or the North of England or London or the Isle of Man or Guernsey, that their interests are also served by helping the people of Ireland achieve reunification.
There are also common sense economic and social and environmental and health and many other reasons why Irish reunification makes sense over partition.
In reality the border is more than just an inconvenience.
It is an obstacle to progress and while its adverse affects are most clearly felt in the communities that straddle the border, it also impacts negatively throughout the island.
The reality is that the economy of the North is too small to exist in isolation.
The economies of both parts of the island are interlinked and interdependent.
The delivery of public services is restricted and inefficient.
There are two competing industrial development bodies seeking inward investment, with no coordination in supporting local industries.
We have two arts councils and two sports councils and three tourists’ bodies.
This is not efficient.
There are some who suggest that because we live in a period of severe economic difficulty that Irish reunification should be put off for the foreseeable future.
In fact the opposite is the case.
There is now a need, more than ever, for the island economy to be brought into being in the fullest sense, and for the political and administrative structures to be instituted with that in mind.
Many in the business community, north and south, already recognise this fact.
And all the indications are that the European Union also understands how the needs of Ireland can best be met by treating it as an island rather than as two entities on an island.
Geography does not necessarily determine politics, but neither can it be ignored in assessing what is the most effective approach to meeting the challenges of economic development and satisfying the needs of communities.
The Good Friday agreement is an opportunity to develop understanding and to advocate rationally, the benefits of Irish reunification.
The institutional elements of the Good Friday Agreement and of St. Andrews are therefore important mechanisms to be built upon.
The Good Friday Agreement also proposed the establishment of an All-Ireland Civic Forum and an All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum.
An All-Ireland Civic Forum could offer a very important input for citizens throughout the island to discuss problems of a common nature.
It could also enable a greater level of mutual understanding to develop.
As for an All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum, the important work of this body provides ample evidence of the benefits that would derive from the establishment of such a body.
So, my friends if I was to reduce all of these remarks to one sentence it would be to repeat what I have said earlier; there is a democratic requirement and moral imperative on the part of the peoples of Britain to adopt a positive stance on how the Irish question should be finally settled.
This means initiating and supporting measures to bring about the reunification of the people of Ireland." ENDS
Monday, 19 October 2009
Good News for Economy at Last
Last week I had the pleasure of accompanying US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on her various visits around Belfast. Some members of the media whilst loving the photos viewed the visit as a pat on the back or even an ego trip for the Secretary.
These people need to wake up and realise that someone in her position does not have time for such idle ego triping. And quite frankly who cares if there were boards on the Europa Hotel or not.
Today shows the real tangible benefits of having the attention of a US Secretary of State. The New York Stock Exchange is creating 400 jobs here in the coming years. Below is the welcome from our First and Deputy First Minister. Congratulations as well to Invest NI. This is the priority not these other irrelevancies.
"First Minister Peter Robinson, MP MLA, and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, MP MLA, today formally welcomed plans by NYSE Euronext (NYX) to expand the business operations of its NYSE Technologies division in Belfast.
Invest Northern Ireland will provide up to £9.6million to support the move of NYSE Technologies business operations into a new state-of-the-art development facility in 2010 and the creation of up to 400 new technology, operational and corporate jobs, which include 75 positions from a prior agreement, in the coming years.
NYSE Euronext recognises its operations in Belfast as a centre of excellence for the delivery of innovative technology solutions, specifically low latency messaging capabilities, data distribution and securities operations to serve its expanding global client base.
First Minister Rt. Hon Peter Robinson, MP MLA, said: “Today’s announcement that NYSE Euronext intends to expand its operations and staff in Belfast is yet another positive step forward by Invest NI in the growth of our local financial services sector, particularly at a time when global competition for such investment has never been higher. NYSE Technologies is an enterprise which works at the very core of the trading world, developing advanced software solutions for global trading markets.”
Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, MP MLA, said: “No one should doubt the scale and significance of this expansion which is a major endorsement of our local talent, knowledge and infrastructure. It will also send a clear message to other potential investors when such a high profile institution decides to invest here. Over the past two years I, along with the First Minister and his predecessor have had an ongoing engagement with Duncan and his colleagues which we are delighted has led to this announcement.”
Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster said: “Having met with the company in New York in December, and more recently in Belfast, I am delighted to see this latest project come to fruition today. Following on from last year’s announcement at the US Investment Conference, through this latest expansion, NYSE Euronext’s commitment to Northern Ireland sends a strong message to other potential investors that this is an exceptional place to locate and grow a business.”
Duncan Niederauer, Chief Executive Officer, NYSE Euronext, said: "We welcome the opportunity to partner with Invest NI and to expand our presence in Belfast. Northern Ireland will become increasingly important to our global growth strategy and complement our technology centres in Paris and London. Together, these centres of excellence will enable us to effectively address the growing technology and trading needs of our customers and our company."
Stanley Young, Chief Executive Officer, NYSE Technologies and Co-Global Chief Information Officer, NYSE Euronext, added: "Our operation in Belfast has exceeded expectations for the delivery of advanced software solutions for our global clients. The calibre of people, combined with Invest NI’s support and the growing financial services and ICT sectors, fits extremely well with our business objectives."
These people need to wake up and realise that someone in her position does not have time for such idle ego triping. And quite frankly who cares if there were boards on the Europa Hotel or not.
Today shows the real tangible benefits of having the attention of a US Secretary of State. The New York Stock Exchange is creating 400 jobs here in the coming years. Below is the welcome from our First and Deputy First Minister. Congratulations as well to Invest NI. This is the priority not these other irrelevancies.
"First Minister Peter Robinson, MP MLA, and Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, MP MLA, today formally welcomed plans by NYSE Euronext (NYX) to expand the business operations of its NYSE Technologies division in Belfast.
Invest Northern Ireland will provide up to £9.6million to support the move of NYSE Technologies business operations into a new state-of-the-art development facility in 2010 and the creation of up to 400 new technology, operational and corporate jobs, which include 75 positions from a prior agreement, in the coming years.
NYSE Euronext recognises its operations in Belfast as a centre of excellence for the delivery of innovative technology solutions, specifically low latency messaging capabilities, data distribution and securities operations to serve its expanding global client base.
First Minister Rt. Hon Peter Robinson, MP MLA, said: “Today’s announcement that NYSE Euronext intends to expand its operations and staff in Belfast is yet another positive step forward by Invest NI in the growth of our local financial services sector, particularly at a time when global competition for such investment has never been higher. NYSE Technologies is an enterprise which works at the very core of the trading world, developing advanced software solutions for global trading markets.”
Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, MP MLA, said: “No one should doubt the scale and significance of this expansion which is a major endorsement of our local talent, knowledge and infrastructure. It will also send a clear message to other potential investors when such a high profile institution decides to invest here. Over the past two years I, along with the First Minister and his predecessor have had an ongoing engagement with Duncan and his colleagues which we are delighted has led to this announcement.”
Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster said: “Having met with the company in New York in December, and more recently in Belfast, I am delighted to see this latest project come to fruition today. Following on from last year’s announcement at the US Investment Conference, through this latest expansion, NYSE Euronext’s commitment to Northern Ireland sends a strong message to other potential investors that this is an exceptional place to locate and grow a business.”
Duncan Niederauer, Chief Executive Officer, NYSE Euronext, said: "We welcome the opportunity to partner with Invest NI and to expand our presence in Belfast. Northern Ireland will become increasingly important to our global growth strategy and complement our technology centres in Paris and London. Together, these centres of excellence will enable us to effectively address the growing technology and trading needs of our customers and our company."
Stanley Young, Chief Executive Officer, NYSE Technologies and Co-Global Chief Information Officer, NYSE Euronext, added: "Our operation in Belfast has exceeded expectations for the delivery of advanced software solutions for our global clients. The calibre of people, combined with Invest NI’s support and the growing financial services and ICT sectors, fits extremely well with our business objectives."
Friday, 16 October 2009
Bomb attack in East Belfast
This morning a car bomb exploded close to where I live in Belfast slightly injuring a relative of a police officer.
Thankfully the injuries were not more serious. It is likely that this attack was carried out by dissident republicans. It is anticipated that there will be more attacks like this one.
Our politicians have rightly condemned this crazy act and have said that it will not be tolerated. So what can they do?
1. Agree the budget for policing and justice and get it devolved as quickly as possible
2. End the bickering in public and argue the rights and wrongs inside Parliament Buildings and not in the media
3. Show the dissidents that the Assembly has the support of people from all sides of the community including Republicans
4. Challenge the dissidents to show their plan for a United Ireland or whatever it is they claim to want.
Following the very encouraging visit this week by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton let us show that this island will not accept a few lunatics dragging us back to the past. These groups had nothing but death and destruction to offer then and they have certainly nothing to offer now.
Thankfully the injuries were not more serious. It is likely that this attack was carried out by dissident republicans. It is anticipated that there will be more attacks like this one.
Our politicians have rightly condemned this crazy act and have said that it will not be tolerated. So what can they do?
1. Agree the budget for policing and justice and get it devolved as quickly as possible
2. End the bickering in public and argue the rights and wrongs inside Parliament Buildings and not in the media
3. Show the dissidents that the Assembly has the support of people from all sides of the community including Republicans
4. Challenge the dissidents to show their plan for a United Ireland or whatever it is they claim to want.
Following the very encouraging visit this week by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton let us show that this island will not accept a few lunatics dragging us back to the past. These groups had nothing but death and destruction to offer then and they have certainly nothing to offer now.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)